Introduction: Three Missing Questions
The visit of the Supreme Leader to the new members of the Expediency Council, like his visit to other institutions and structures in recent years, has become a platform for "persuading the revolution to stay" and "praise revolutionism." This volume of emphasis and sensitivity is not worthless, and it should not simply be passed by it, but it should give it a modest outlook and reflect on it as much as possible. In the note below, the author tries to summarize the three fundamental questions about survival and revolutionary:
First, what does revolution mean? What is revolutionary? Who is the revolution? What is the revolutionary force? What characteristics distinguish between the revolutionary and the non-revolutionary frontier?
The other is why it should be revolutionary? Why is survival a virtue? What is the justification for a revolution in the post-revolutionary period? Is revolutionism not a particular period of revolution? Why does the revolution, which belongs to the past, should continue to exist and be reproduced in the current era? If we have passed through the revolution to the system, how can we adapt the requirements of the revolution to the requirements of the system?
And finally, the question is, what is the root of all of the emphasis and insistence of the Supreme Leader of the revolution on being revolutionary? Why does he repeatedly call everyone revolutionary? Do they feel that the revolutionary has grown up and diluted? Is revolutionism at risk? Have you fallen into a revolutionary life?
1 "Revolution", "revolutionary" and "revolutionary"; semantic nodes
The Islamic revolution, which was a so-called social revolution, placed us with a "new intellectual and cultural horizon"; the horizon, which was disconnected from the previous order, was in the opposite direction. In this new environment, "values" were blessed and rooted in the "perceived sanctification of the world and Adam" and interpreted the facts in a different way. The Islamic Revolution itself, as a fact, arose from this "new look," and therefore, those who could not understand this "look" also failed to understand the "Islamic Revolution" and to analyze and explain what happened. They went to the wrong place.
In the pre-revolutionary period, a revolution is one who, relying on such a look, joins the revolutionary movement and fights it until the revolution, succeeds and prevails, and in the post-revolutionary period, the revolution is one who continues to insist on the same revolutionary values and shout them hits. The revolutionary force in the post-revolutionary period is still revolutionary and does not seek the excuse for "passing through the revolution," but firmly believes that during the post-revolutionary period, revolutionary values should still be dominant and valid, and none of them, Do not even retreat a little. In this way, the post-revolution period is not the "end of" and "expired" period of the revolution, but a period affected by the revolution, and the revolution has painted and engineered it. "Post-revolutionary history", along with "history of revolution" and below, is not independent and cut off from it. In other words, the post-revolution period is designed on the basis of the semantic system and the epistemic horizons that the revolution has created, and the revolution on it is a shadow gesture. For this reason, the term "post" refers to the "presence" and "subject matter" of the revolution, not to "absence" and "ending" it.
2 "Being revolutionary" and "staying revolutionary"; the need for the continuation of the revolution
Those who won the revolution were revolutionaries; they preferred the struggle for silence and compromise, and they were not satisfied with the revolution, less than the revolutionary ones and threats and threats. It is clear that revolution does not succeed without revolution, and the end point of other paths, such as reform, is not the occurrence of a revolution. So when it comes to revolution, it is not a revolutionary one, and the "revolution", with the exception of "revolutionary", can not be realized. Now, the question is, what justifiable and functional is the revolutionary in the post-revolutionary period, when the "revolution" naturally became a "system" and demands and demands were formulated in the form of "movement" in the form of "institution". This is a "revolution" that needs revolutionists, not "systematization" and "governance". So the rules that come to work for "revolution" are not consistent with "governance." The victory of the revolution means the end of revolution and the beginning of a structured and structured governance.
This analysis is not correct, since the purpose of revolutionism in the post-revolutionary period is not to contempt against the political system arising from the revolution, and it is not supposed to continue to ignore the formal structure and establish a fiasco and challenge with it, but that the revolutionary forces , Do not pass the "revolutionary values" and not "conservatism" and "preferentialism" and do not retreat from the basic principles of the revolution. This is due to the fact that in the post-revolutionary period, part of the revolutionary forces, for reasons or reasons, suffer from "ideological change and exhaustion" and abandon their revolutionary and decisive ideals and captivate "routine" and "bureaucracy" Or fascinated by "other ideologies". In other words, until the revolution has not triumphed and the struggle is going on, and the rebellious order, resistance and oppression, revolutionary forces are excited, tempered and motivated and do not retreat from their ideals, but when the revolution comes to victory and the revolutionary forces, They take power themselves, how often they will go back and forget the revolutionary slogans and intentions. However, the revolution goes away from its goals and ends, and it is released halfway through. While the revolution is not a "false" and "momentous" fact that abruptly emerge and all its aspirations are realized, it is a "gradual" and "step-by-step" reality. Hence, during the post-revolution period, it must have continued the revolutionary outlook so that the revolution fully embraces the paths promised and reaches its ideal society. If this is not the case, the revolution simply did not take place in the overthrow of the political system and the displacement of the rulers, and there has not been any change in nature or context. Therefore, the revolutionary forces must remain loyal to the "line of revolution" with the same firm determination and continue the revolution in order to reveal the objective and real results of the revolution.
Moreover, "revolutionary values" should not be removed from the scene of the concerns and sensitivities of the revolutionary forces. "Revolutionary methods" should also be considered valid, especially in the face of facing modernity or external enemies, the "congruence" on the "revolutionary" of the shadow should not be The revolution should impose its limits on the revolution, but the revolution must, without any constraints and conservatism, continue its resolute stance and never be "passive" and "impudence" and "self-immolation". If this goes astray, the political system may gradually "retreat" from all the ends and purposes of the revolution, and look at the revolution as a "brilliant historical fact", which is "praise" and "reverence", but it should not be From his "time", and expects that, despite the establishment of the political system, he still thought revolutionary and acted.
3 The revolution is in "danger"; drowning the revolution in the rebellion of modernity
The sensitivities and concerns of the Supreme Leader of the revolution about "revolution" and "staying revolution" are rooted in the realities that they see and can not be indifferent to them. Although the revolution is resistant to the powerful and challenges its enemies, the threat from within itself, it is, is destructive and destructive; it threatens that there are those inside the revolutionary front that are "ideologically Revolutionary "do not believe and believe that the revolutionary period has come to an end and should not stop in the past. Non-revolutionaries, because they themselves are "transformed", want to revolutionize the revolution; they intend to "interpret" and "justify" the revolution to conform to their new situation so that their gaps can not be revealed by the revolution; they have thought about how to be unconceivable, Withdrew from the values of the revolution and retreated. The shameful and regretful revolutionaries believe that the revolutionary intellect is "insane," and with such reason can not be guided by society; the rules of "revolution" and "rule" are different; when "revolution" becomes a "system", one must The revolution is considered "finished" and so on. Although the revolution was formed against modernity, but they want to drown the revolution in the swamp of "globalized modernity." For this purpose, the revolution should not be "revolutionary", and in fact, it should not be the "revolution" itself, and from the field to To be We need to get rid of ourselves in order to gradually "digest" and "solve" in a globalized world. They speak of "aligning with the inevitable process of globalization," while they are "retreating."
Conclusion: Find "revolution"!
Not the distance between the "revolution" and the "counter-revolution" is far too much, and not the passing of this gap is obvious and obvious. Thus, during the decades after the death of Imam Khomeini, the supreme leader of the revolution has always warned of this decisive issue. Duplicates such as face / body, appearance / backend, body / soul, theme / theme, shell / brain, entity / identity, etc., which are repeated in their speeches. This has been a concern. His purpose in the subtle interpretation of "secular secularism" is that forces in the political and social arena want to break the brain and essence of the revolution, and only the shell and the physical ineffectiveness of it. If so, not only will the evolutionary movement of the revolution be stopped, but the revolution will be lost. Ayatollah Khamenei as the supreme leader and supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution, as he protects and protects the ideology of the revolution - and thus, according to the master of martyr Motahari, Velayat-e faqih, ideology is more than anything else - must be about what The revolution is going to be sensitive and worrying, and if you look at the danger or anticipate it, refer to it so much and speak out that others will rise from ignorance and understand it.
1 Member of faculty of Islamic thought and culture
Article Source: Khamenei.ir
Source: Raskhoun (http://rasekhoon.net/article/show/1325822/)